OCTOBER TERM, 2022 · DECIDED MAY 11, 2023 · 5–4

598 U.S. ___ · No. 21-468 · Argued October 11, 2022

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National Pork Producers Council v. Ross

AffirmedFinal ruling
animal welfarestate regulationinterstate commercefood and agriculturefederalism

Opinion of the Court by Justice Gorsuch, joined by Justices Thomas, Sotomayor, Kagan, and Barrett

The Supreme Court upheld California's Proposition 12, which bans the sale of pork in the state unless it comes from pigs raised with room to move freely, rejecting arguments that the law unconstitutionally interfered with the national pork market.

The ruling confirms that states can regulate what products are sold within their borders — even when most producers are located elsewhere — as long as the law does not deliberately favor in-state businesses over out-of-state competitors.

While the Constitution addresses many weighty issues, the type of pork chops California merchants may sell is not on that list.
Justice Gorsuch

The majority's bottom line that the Constitution does not govern what pork products states may allow in their stores.

How it got here: The federal district court dismissed the complaint for failure to state a legal claim; the Ninth Circuit unanimously affirmed; the pork producers asked the Supreme Court to review.

The Case in Depth

What happened

Two national farm organizations — the National Pork Producers Council and the American Farm Bureau Federation — sued California on behalf of their members who raise and process pigs. California's Proposition 12, passed by voters in 2018, bans the sale of whole pork in the state if it comes from breeding pigs confined so tightly they cannot lie down, stand up, or turn around freely. Because California imports nearly all the pork it consumes, the organizations argued the law would force out-of-state farmers to overhaul their operations at enormous cost just to keep selling in California.

The question before the Court

Can California ban the in-state sale of pork unless it comes from pigs raised with enough space to lie down and turn around, even though most pork is produced in other states and most farmers would have to change their practices to sell in California?

The Court's answer

No — California's Proposition 12 does not violate the Constitution. The pork producers themselves conceded that the law applies equally to California and out-of-state producers, which took their strongest argument off the table: the dormant Commerce Clause's core protection against states using their laws to favor local businesses over out-of-state rivals simply was not at issue here.

Their two backup theories also failed. First, all nine justices agreed there is no near-automatic constitutional rule against state laws that have some effect on commerce in other states — virtually every state law does that to some degree. Second, on the question of whether Proposition 12 imposed too heavy a burden on interstate commerce relative to its benefits: the controlling plurality found the complaint did not plausibly allege a substantial burden in the first place, because the law merely changed which farming methods earn access to California's market rather than shutting interstate commerce down. The producers were free to comply, segregate their supply chains, or exit the California market.

Curious how the Court got there? See the step-by-step legal reasoning →

Why it matters

Pork producers across the country who want access to California's large consumer market must meet the state's animal housing standards. Other states may feel encouraged to pass similar product-access laws tied to out-of-state production practices, whether concerning animal welfare, labor standards, or environmental conditions — and those laws will face the same constitutional scrutiny applied here.

What changes now

Proposition 12 remains in effect, and pork producers wishing to sell in California must comply with its housing standards or exit that market. The case was decided on a motion to dismiss, so producers could theoretically refile with better-pled allegations of substantial burden on the interstate market. Justice Kavanaugh's separate opinion also flagged that future challenges under the Import-Export Clause, the Privileges and Immunities Clause, and the Full Faith and Credit Clause have not yet been litigated and remain open questions.

What this does not decide

The Court left open whether Pike balancing can ever invalidate a genuinely nondiscriminatory state product-sale law outside the context of transportation instrumentalities, noting only that this complaint fell short. It also did not decide whether Proposition 12 or similar laws raise constitutional issues under the Import-Export Clause, Privileges and Immunities Clause, or Full Faith and Credit Clause.

Concurrences and dissents

Concurrence in part — Justice Sotomayor

Justice Sotomayor joined all but two subsections of the majority opinion (Parts IV-B and IV-D). She agreed the case should be dismissed, but only because the producers failed to allege a substantial burden on interstate commerce as Pike requires — not because courts are inherently incapable of balancing economic and noneconomic interests. She disagreed with Justice Gorsuch's plurality view that such balancing is an impossible judicial task, arguing that courts routinely weigh incommensurable values in other areas of law.

Concurrence in part — Justice Barrett

Justice Barrett joined the majority except for its conclusion that the complaint failed to allege a substantial burden on interstate commerce (Part IV-C). She agreed with Justice Gorsuch that California's moral and animal-welfare interests cannot be weighed on a scale against dollars-and-cents compliance costs, making Pike balancing impossible on these facts. But she would have found the complaint adequately alleged a substantial burden, given that Proposition 12's costs are pervasive and fall primarily on out-of-state producers.

Dissent in part — Justice Roberts

Chief Justice Roberts agreed that there is no per se rule against laws with extraterritorial effects and that Pike should not become a freewheeling judicial weighing exercise. But he would have found the producers plausibly alleged a substantial burden on interstate commerce, pointing to allegations that Proposition 12 effectively forces compliance even on farmers who do not want to sell into California, given how interconnected the national pork market is. He would have vacated the Ninth Circuit's ruling and sent the case back for the court to conduct proper Pike balancing.

Dissent in part — Justice Kavanaugh

Justice Kavanaugh agreed with Chief Justice Roberts that petitioners plausibly alleged a substantial burden and that the Pike balancing test survives. He wrote separately to emphasize the economic stakes — a $20 billion-plus industry and hundreds of thousands of jobs — and to flag that future challenges to laws like Proposition 12 may also succeed under the Import-Export Clause, the Privileges and Immunities Clause, and the Full Faith and Credit Clause, none of which were litigated here.

How the Court got there

The legal reasoning, step by step

  1. The dormant Commerce Clause — the judge-made rule that certain state laws burden interstate commerce even when Congress has not acted — has anti-discrimination as its core. It bars states from passing laws that are designed to benefit in-state businesses by putting out-of-state competitors at a disadvantage. The pork producers conceded Proposition 12 imposes identical burdens on California and out-of-state producers, so no discrimination was alleged and the core doctrine was never triggered.
  2. The producers' first backup theory asked the Court to adopt an 'almost per se' rule against any state law with substantial practical effects on commerce in other states. The Court unanimously rejected this. Reading three prior cases (Baldwin, Brown-Forman, and Healy) carefully, the Court found each was really about discriminatory economic protectionism — laws that deliberately denied out-of-state businesses their competitive advantages. Those cases did not create a broad rule against laws that merely ripple across state lines; virtually all state laws do that.
  3. The producers' second theory relied on Pike v. Bruce Church (1970), which says that even nondiscriminatory state laws are unconstitutional if their burden on interstate commerce is 'clearly excessive' compared to local benefits. The majority explained that Pike's core function is to detect hidden discrimination — cases where a facially neutral law, examined in operation, reveals a purpose to protect in-state businesses. Proposition 12 contains no such hidden discriminatory purpose, placing it 'well outside Pike's heartland.'
  4. A separate plurality of three justices (Gorsuch, Thomas, Barrett) concluded that even if Pike applied here, no court could perform the balancing exercise the producers proposed. The producers' costs are economic and measurable; California's benefits (voters' moral judgments about animal cruelty and health concerns) are noneconomic. Weighing one against the other would require courts to second-guess democratic policy choices — a task the Constitution reserves for elected legislatures, not judges.
  5. A controlling plurality of four justices (Gorsuch, Thomas, Sotomayor, Kagan) concluded on a separate and narrower ground that the complaint failed to allege a 'substantial burden' on interstate commerce in the first place — a threshold the producers must clear before any Pike balancing begins. Drawing on Exxon Corp. v. Governor of Maryland (1978), the Court held that a law compelling some businesses to change their preferred methods of operation, or exit a state's market, does not by itself constitute a substantial burden. The dormant Commerce Clause protects the interstate market as a whole, not particular firms or particular ways of doing business.
  6. Because no majority agreed on why the substantial-burden threshold mattered, but a majority did agree the complaint failed to state a claim under any available theory, the Ninth Circuit's dismissal of the case was affirmed. The Court stressed that if the pork industry truly needs a single national rule, the solution is to persuade Congress — which has express power over interstate commerce — not to ask courts to invent new constitutional limits on state power.

Doctrinal impact

Laws and provisions at issue

Commerce Clause (Art. I, § 8, cl. 3) — dormant Commerce Clause

Constitutional grant of power to Congress to regulate interstate trade, interpreted to also bar states from passing laws that burden or discriminate against interstate commerce.

California Proposition 12 (Cal. Health & Safety Code Ann. § 25990)

California ballot initiative banning in-state sales of pork from breeding pigs confined so tightly they cannot stand, lie down, or turn around.

Cases affected by this decision

Limits Pike v. Bruce Church (397 U.S. 137)

The Court narrowed Pike's reach, holding it primarily detects hidden discrimination and cannot be used to strike down ordinary consumer-product regulations on cost-benefit grounds.

Reaffirms Exxon Corp. v. Governor of Maryland (437 U.S. 117)

Reaffirmed that forcing businesses to change their preferred methods of operation does not by itself constitute a substantial burden on interstate commerce.

Distinguishes Baldwin v. G.A.F. Seelig, Inc. (294 U.S. 511)

Clarified that Baldwin condemned deliberate price discrimination against out-of-state producers, not any law with extraterritorial practical effects.

Distinguishes Healy v. Beer Institute (491 U.S. 324)

Clarified that Healy struck down a law targeting interstate firms for discriminatory reasons, not a broad rule against laws affecting out-of-state commerce.

Supreme Court Opinion

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