OCTOBER TERM 2019 · DECIDED JUNE 15, 2020 · 6–3

590 U.S. ___ · No. 17-1618 · Argued October 8, 2019

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Bostock v. Clayton County

Reversed and remandedFinal ruling
LGBTQ rightsworkplace discriminationcivil rightsemployment lawsex discrimination

Opinion of the Court by Justice Gorsuch, joined by Justices Roberts, Ginsburg, Breyer, Sotomayor, and Kagan

The Supreme Court ruled 6–3 that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 — which bars employers from discriminating 'because of sex' — also protects gay and transgender workers, meaning it is illegal under federal law to fire someone simply for being gay or transgender.

The decision resolved a long-running split among federal appeals courts and extended civil rights protections to millions of LGBTQ workers who had no explicit federal shield in many states.

An employer who fires an individual for being homosexual or transgender fires that person for traits or actions it would not have questioned in members of a different sex. Sex plays a necessary and undisguisable role in the decision, exactly what Title VII forbids.
Justice Gorsuch

The majority's core statement of why firing a gay or transgender employee constitutes sex discrimination under Title VII.

How it got here: Three separate cases divided the federal appeals courts — the Eleventh Circuit ruled against the employees while the Second and Sixth Circuits ruled for them; the Supreme Court agreed to hear all three together to resolve the split.

The Case in Depth

What happened

Three employees — Gerald Bostock, a Georgia county child welfare advocate; Donald Zarda, a New York skydiving instructor; and Aimee Stephens, a Michigan funeral home worker — were each fired shortly after revealing they were gay or transgender. All three sued their employers under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which bars employment discrimination "because of sex." Their employers argued that Title VII's ban on sex discrimination does not cover sexual orientation or transgender status because those terms do not appear in the statute.

The question before the Court

Does federal law's ban on workplace discrimination "because of sex" protect gay and transgender employees from being fired because of who they are?

The Court's answer

Yes — Title VII's ban on workplace discrimination "because of sex" covers gay and transgender employees. When an employer fires a man for being attracted to men, but would not fire a woman for the same characteristic, the employer has made the employee's biological sex a factor in the decision — exactly what Title VII forbids. Because discriminating against someone for being gay or transgender necessarily relies on the employee's sex as a but-for cause, such firings constitute illegal sex discrimination.

The Court emphasized it was not updating the law to reflect modern values, but applying Title VII's plain 1964 text. The employers' arguments — that Congress never intended this result, that decades of legislative proposals to add "sexual orientation" to the statute imply an exclusion, or that undesirable policy consequences would follow — cannot override clear statutory language. The law's drafters may not have foreseen this application, but that does not free courts from enforcing what the text requires.

Curious how the Court got there? See the step-by-step legal reasoning →

Why it matters

Gay and transgender workers across the country gained clear federal protection from being fired because of who they are. Employers who previously relied on the absence of explicit LGBTQ protections in federal law must now comply with Title VII. The ruling affects workers in states that had no comparable state-law protections — and places LGBTQ employees on the same legal footing as workers protected by other provisions of the Civil Rights Act.

What changes now

Bostock's case is sent back to the Eleventh Circuit for further proceedings under the Supreme Court's ruling. The Second and Sixth Circuit decisions favoring Zarda's estate and Stephens's estate are affirmed, allowing those cases to proceed. Nationwide, employers must now comply with Title VII's prohibition on firing workers because they are gay or transgender. Questions the Court explicitly set aside — including how Title VII interacts with religious liberty claims under RFRA, and whether sex-segregated bathrooms or dress codes violate the law — remain open for future litigation.

What this does not decide

The ruling does not address sex-segregated bathrooms, locker rooms, or dress codes — the Court explicitly reserved those questions. It does not decide how Title VII interacts with religious employers or RFRA claims, and it does not interpret whether the more than 100 other federal statutes that ban sex discrimination carry the same meaning as Title VII.

Concurrences and dissents

Dissent — Justice Alito

There is only one word for what the Court has done today: legislation. The document that the Court releases is in the form of a judicial opinion interpreting a statute, but that is deceptive.Justice Alito's opening charge that the majority rewrote Title VII rather than interpreted it.

Justice Alito argued that the majority committed an act of legislation disguised as statutory interpretation. In his view, 'sex' in 1964 unambiguously meant biological sex — male or female — and no ordinary American of that era would have understood 'discrimination because of sex' to include discrimination based on sexual orientation or gender identity, concepts that were then either unknown or widely treated as mental disorders. He contended that the majority's but-for causation reasoning, while logically constructed, reaches a conclusion that no Congress, court, or agency accepted for the first five decades of the statute's existence.

Dissent — Justice Kavanaugh

Justice Kavanaugh argued that courts must follow the ordinary meaning of statutory phrases — not the literal strung-together meanings of individual words — and that the ordinary meaning of 'discriminate because of sex' has never encompassed sexual orientation discrimination in common parlance, federal law, state law, or this Court's own prior decisions. He acknowledged the strong policy case for protecting gay and transgender workers but said that change belongs to Congress, which had repeatedly considered and not yet passed legislation on the issue. He viewed the majority's approach as judicial rewriting, not faithful interpretation.

How the Court got there

The legal reasoning, step by step

  1. The Court applied Title VII's 'because of sex' standard using the traditional but-for causation test: sex is a but-for cause of a firing if, all else equal, the outcome would have been different had the employee's sex been different. Under this test, an employer cannot escape liability simply because sex was not the only or even the primary reason for the decision — sex need only be one cause.
  2. The statute's repeated use of the word 'individual' directs courts to focus on whether this particular employee was treated worse because of their sex, not on whether the employer's policy treats men and women as groups comparably. An employer who fires both gay men and lesbians under the same policy does not neutralize liability — it doubles it by discriminating against two individuals.
  3. For gay employees: if a male employee is fired because he is attracted to men, but a female employee attracted to men would keep her job, the male employee was treated differently because of his sex. The employer's framing of the reason as 'sexual orientation' rather than 'sex' does not change the analysis — labels and additional motivations are irrelevant once sex is shown to be a but-for cause.
  4. For transgender employees: firing a person who was identified as male at birth but now identifies as female, while retaining an otherwise identical employee identified as female at birth, treats birth sex as a decisive factor. The individual employee's sex plays an unmistakable role in the discharge decision, satisfying Title VII's causation standard.
  5. Three prior Supreme Court decisions confirmed this framework. Phillips v. Martin Marietta Corp. (1971) held that 'motherhood' as an added factor did not eliminate sex as a cause. Manhart (1978) held that a statistically accurate, evenhandedly applied sex-based rule still violated Title VII's individual-focused protection. Oncale (1998) held that Title VII covers forms of sex discrimination Congress may not have specifically anticipated — and that courts are governed by the provisions of the law, not legislators' principal concerns.
  6. The Court rejected the employers' argument that a stricter causation test should apply to gay and transgender workers. Requiring sex to be the 'sole' or 'primary' cause would contradict the statute, and creating a special, harder-to-satisfy standard only for these workers would produce a discontinuity that Title VII's text cannot support. Congress could have written 'solely because of sex' but chose not to — and courts may not rewrite the statute to add that limit.

Doctrinal impact

Laws and provisions at issue

Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, § 2000e-2(a)(1)

Federal law making it illegal for employers to fire or otherwise discriminate against workers because of their race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.

Civil Rights Act of 1991, § 107

Amendment allowing employees to win a Title VII case by showing a protected characteristic was a motivating factor in an employment decision.

Cases affected by this decision

Reaffirms Phillips v. Martin Marietta Corp. (400 U.S. 542)

Confirmed that additional factors alongside sex do not eliminate an employer's Title VII liability.

Reaffirms Los Angeles Dept. of Water and Power v. Manhart (435 U.S. 702)

Confirmed that sex-based distinctions against individuals violate Title VII even when a policy seems even-handed at the group level.

Reaffirms Oncale v. Sundowner Offshore Services, Inc. (523 U.S. 75)

Confirmed Title VII applies to forms of sex discrimination Congress did not specifically anticipate when it enacted the law.

Supreme Court Opinion

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Bostock v. Clayton County | SCOTUS Reporter