OCTOBER TERM 2015 · DECIDED JUNE 27, 2016 · 5–3

579 U.S. ___ · No. 15-274 · Argued March 2, 2016

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Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt

Reversed and remandedFinal ruling
abortion rightsabortion clinic regulationsundue burden testTexas abortion lawreproductive rights

Opinion of the Court by Justice Breyer, joined by Justices Kennedy, Ginsburg, Sotomayor, and Kagan

The Supreme Court struck down two Texas abortion regulations, ruling that requiring doctors to have hospital admitting privileges and requiring clinics to meet surgical-center building standards created substantial obstacles for women seeking abortions without providing meaningful health benefits.

The ruling reaffirmed that courts, not just legislatures, must weigh the medical evidence behind abortion restrictions against the burdens those restrictions impose, reversing a lower court that had upheld the law and shutting down attempts to use health-and-safety rules to sharply reduce the number of abortion clinics.

How it got here: A federal trial court struck down both provisions after a bench trial; the Fifth Circuit reversed on procedural and merits grounds; the clinics asked the Supreme Court to review.

The Case in Depth

What happened

Texas passed a law requiring abortion doctors to hold admitting privileges at a nearby hospital and requiring abortion facilities to meet the building and staffing standards of ambulatory surgical centers. A group of abortion clinics and doctors, including Whole Woman's Health, sued, arguing the requirements shut down most abortion clinics in Texas without any real medical justification, making it far harder for women, especially those in rural areas, to obtain abortions.

The question before the Court

Could Texas require abortion doctors to have hospital admitting privileges nearby and require abortion clinics to meet the standards of surgical hospitals, given the effect these rules had on clinic access?

The Court's answer

No — Texas could not enforce either requirement. The Court held that both rules created a substantial obstacle to abortion access without providing offsetting medical benefits, so both violated the Constitution. It first ruled that the clinics' claims were not barred by an earlier lawsuit, because the current case relied on new evidence about actual clinic closures that didn't exist when the first suit was filed.

On the merits, the Court found that the admitting-privileges rule roughly halved the number of Texas abortion clinics while doing nothing to make abortions safer, and that the surgical-center rule would have left only seven or eight clinics statewide, unable to meet demand, while imposing costly building requirements with no real safety payoff. Weighing those heavy burdens against the essentially nonexistent health benefits, the Court concluded both provisions were unconstitutional.

Curious how the Court got there? See the step-by-step legal reasoning →

Why it matters

Texas clinics that had closed under the law could reopen or remain open, preserving abortion access across a state where dozens of clinics had shut down. The decision also gave courts nationwide a clearer directive to scrutinize the actual medical justification for abortion regulations rather than deferring automatically to legislatures, affecting how other states could design similar restrictions.

What changes now

The case was remanded, but the ruling itself is a final decision on the merits: both Texas provisions are permanently unenforceable as written. Clinics that had closed could potentially reopen, and other states with similar admitting-privileges or surgical-center abortion laws faced renewed legal vulnerability, since lower courts would now apply the Court's benefit-versus-burden balancing test to those laws.

What this does not decide

The Court did not revisit the basic constitutional right to abortion recognized in Roe and Casey, and it did not rule on every individual surgical-center regulation; it addressed only whether the admitting-privileges and surgical-center requirements, as applied together, created an undue burden given the specific evidence in this record.

Concurrences and dissents

Concurrence — Justice Ginsburg

Justice Ginsburg wrote separately to emphasize that abortion complications are rare and rarely dangerous, making it implausible that the law genuinely protected women's health. She stressed that many riskier medical procedures, including childbirth, face no comparable regulation, and concluded that laws like Texas's that do little for health but burden abortion access cannot survive as long as Roe and Casey remain the law.

Dissent — Justice Thomas

Justice Thomas argued the majority perpetuates a pattern of bending ordinary legal rules whenever abortion is at issue, including relaxing normal third-party standing rules so clinics can sue on behalf of patients, and quietly rewriting the undue-burden test into something resembling strict scrutiny. He criticized the entire tiers-of-scrutiny framework as result-driven and argued the Court should stop giving abortion rights special procedural treatment.

Dissent — Justice Alito

The Court's patent refusal to apply well-established law in a neutral way is indefensible and will undermine public confidence in the Court as a fair and neutral arbiter.The dissent's core objection that the majority bent ordinary procedural rules because the case involved abortion.

Justice Alito argued the case should have been resolved on ordinary res judicata principles: the clinics' facial challenge to the admitting-privileges rule was the same claim already lost in the earlier Abbott case, and the surgical-center claim should have been raised there too. He also argued that even if the claims were properly before the Court, the evidence didn't show a large-fraction undue burden, and that the Court wrongly ignored Texas's severability clause by striking down the entire surgical-center requirement instead of only the specific provisions that caused problems.

How the Court got there

The legal reasoning, step by step

  1. The Court first addressed whether res judicata (a rule barring parties from relitigating the same claim) blocked the clinics' challenge, since some of the same clinics had lost an earlier facial challenge to the admitting-privileges rule (Abbott). It held that a postenforcement challenge based on new facts, like clinics that had actually since closed, is not 'the very same claim' as an earlier preenforcement challenge based on predictions, so the suit could proceed.
  2. It also held that the challenge to the surgical-center requirement was not barred by res judicata either, because that provision was legally and functionally separate from the admitting-privileges requirement, had different implementing rules issued later, and could reasonably have been litigated in a separate suit.
  3. Turning to the merits, the Court applied the undue-burden standard from Planned Parenthood v. Casey, which asks whether a law's purpose or effect is to place a substantial obstacle in the path of a woman seeking a previability abortion. The Court clarified that this test requires judges to weigh the law's burdens on abortion access against its actual medical benefits, rather than simply asking if the law is rationally related to some state interest.
  4. The Court rejected the Fifth Circuit's view that legislatures alone should resolve medical uncertainty, holding that courts must independently review the record evidence when constitutional rights are at stake, and that here the trial record showed abortion was already extremely safe before the law took effect.
  5. Applying this standard, the Court found the admitting-privileges requirement produced no demonstrated health benefit but caused roughly half of Texas's abortion clinics to close, and found the surgical-center requirement would leave only seven or eight clinics statewide, unable to serve the demand, while imposing high compliance costs with little safety justification.
  6. Concluding that the burdens on abortion access from both requirements vastly outweighed their negligible benefits, the Court held that each provision independently violated the undue-burden standard, and it declined to save parts of the surgical-center rule through Texas's severability clause because doing so would require piecemeal review the statute did not contemplate.

Doctrinal impact

Laws and provisions at issue

Fourteenth Amendment Due Process Clause

Constitutional provision protecting a woman's right to choose abortion before viability, as interpreted in Casey.

Texas House Bill 2 (admitting-privileges and surgical-center provisions)

State law requiring abortion doctors to have nearby hospital privileges and clinics to meet surgical-center standards.

Cases affected by this decision

Reaffirms Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pa. v. Casey (505 U.S. 833)

The Court relied on and clarified Casey's undue-burden test, requiring courts to weigh abortion-law burdens against actual benefits.

Distinguishes Gonzales v. Carhart (550 U.S. 124)

The Court distinguished Gonzales, noting that case involved explicit legislative findings while Texas's law had none.

Distinguishes Simopoulos v. Virginia (462 U.S. 506)

The Court said Simopoulos, about second-trimester surgical-center rules, did not govern this law covering all abortions.

Supreme Court Opinion

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Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt | SCOTUS Reporter