OCTOBER TERM 2025 · DECIDED JUNE 23, 2026 · 6–3

609 U. S. ___ · No. 23-1197 · Argued November 10, 2025

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Landor v. Louisiana Dept of Corrections and Public Safety Revisions: 6/24/26

AffirmedFinal ruling
prisoners' rightsreligious freedomfederal spending powerqualified immunitygovernment accountability

Opinion of the Court by Justice Gorsuch, joined by Justices Roberts, Thomas, Alito, Kavanaugh, and Barrett

The Supreme Court ruled that a Rastafarian inmate whose head guards forcibly shaved could not sue those guards personally for money damages under a federal religious-rights law, because the guards themselves never agreed to accept that liability — only their employer, the state prison system, had.

The decision rests on the idea that Congress, when it spends federal money rather than directly regulating under another constitutional power, can only bind those who knowingly and voluntarily agree to the conditions attached to that money, sharply limiting who can be sued personally under laws like this one.

Under the Spending Clause, Congress’s power to spend money does not include the power to regulate.
Justice Gorsuch

The Court's core holding limiting Congress's spending power to conditions actually consented to.

How it got here: A federal trial court dismissed Landor's claims against both the prison system and the officers; he appealed only the officers' dismissal, and the Fifth Circuit affirmed.

The Case in Depth

What happened

Damon Landor, a Rastafarian whose faith requires him to leave his hair uncut, was serving a sentence in Louisiana state prisons. Nearing release, he showed intake officers a court ruling protecting Rastafarian prisoners' hair, but officers threw it away, handcuffed him, and shaved his head. He sued the Louisiana Department of Corrections and individual officers for damages under a federal law protecting institutionalized people's religious exercise.

The question before the Court

Can a prisoner collect money damages from individual prison guards for violating his religious rights, when only his employer—not the guards themselves—agreed to answer such lawsuits as a condition of federal funding?

Why it matters

Prisoners and others who rely on federal spending-based civil rights laws — covering areas like religious accommodation, nursing home care, and hospital emergency treatment — may find it much harder to collect money damages from the individual employees who actually violated their rights, since only the funded institution, not its workers, is bound by such laws unless the workers separately consent.

What changes now

This is a final merits decision resolving Landor's claim against the individual officers, and the Fifth Circuit's judgment affirming their dismissal stands. Landor's separate claim against the prison system itself was not before the Court and remains dismissed because he did not appeal it. The dissent notes he may still have state-law remedies, and future plaintiffs suing under similar spending-based statutes will need to find funding recipients, rather than individual employees, to hold liable unless Congress restructures such laws.

What this does not decide

The Court did not decide whether RLUIPA's 'appropriate relief' language ever authorizes money damages at all, resolving the case only on the narrower ground that the individual officers never consented to liability. It also does not address claims against the prison system itself, which Landor did not appeal.

Concurrences and dissents

How the Justices voted

Majority (6). Justice Gorsuch (author), joined by Justice Roberts, Justice Thomas, Justice Alito, Justice Kavanaugh, and Justice Barrett.

Dissent (3). Justice Jackson (author), joined by Justice Sotomayor and Justice Kagan.

Dissent — Justice Jackson

Today the Court ties the other hand.Jackson's closing line arguing the ruling leaves prisoners without a remedy for religious-rights violations.

Justice Jackson argued the majority wrongly imported strict contract-law principles into a statute, when RLUIPA is a law, not a negotiated agreement, and Congress can bind state officials through its spending and necessary-and-proper powers without requiring their personal, direct consent. She pointed to Dole itself, where Congress regulated underage drinkers who never consented, and to Sabri, where Congress reached private bribers with no funding relationship at all. She would have held that RLUIPA's damages remedy against individual officers is a valid, necessary means of enforcing a law Congress admittedly could impose on prison officials, leaving Landor without any real remedy under the majority's approach. Read the full dissent

How the Court got there

The legal reasoning, step by step

  1. The Court explained that Congress's spending power lets it attach conditions to federal money, but does not give Congress a general power to regulate conduct directly — that authority must come from some other enumerated power like the Commerce Clause.
  2. Because the spending power itself carries no regulatory force, the Court applies a 'contract analogy': conditions on federal funds, including exposure to lawsuits, bind only those who knowingly and voluntarily agreed to them, much like parties to an actual contract.
  3. Applying ordinary agency and contract principles, the Court reasoned that when an employer (the prison system) agrees to answer certain lawsuits, that agreement does not automatically make the employer's individual workers personally liable, just as a company's promise to a customer doesn't bind its employees personally.
  4. The Court rejected the argument that the four-factor test from South Dakota v. Dole, the leading case on spending conditions, replaces the separate consent requirement; instead, Dole's own bar on coercive funding conditions and its requirement of clear terms exist precisely to ensure real consent.
  5. The Court also rejected the theory that receiving a paycheck partly funded by federal dollars amounts to indirectly consenting to liability, warning this would let Congress regulate almost anyone who ever touches federal money, undermining the Constitution's limits on federal power.
  6. Turning to the Necessary and Proper Clause, which lets Congress use reasonable means to carry out its enumerated powers, the Court found that suing nonconsenting individual officers protects RLUIPA's policy goals but does not protect federal funds from theft or fraud, so it is not a necessary and proper incident of the spending power itself.

Doctrinal impact

Laws and provisions at issue

Religious Land Use and Institutionalized Persons Act (RLUIPA)

Federal law protecting prisoners' religious exercise, tied to states accepting federal prison funding.

Spending Clause (Art. I, § 8, cl. 1)

Constitutional provision letting Congress spend money for the general welfare, with conditions attached.

Necessary and Proper Clause (Art. I, § 8, cl. 18)

Constitutional provision letting Congress use reasonable means to carry out its other listed powers.

Cases affected by this decision

Reaffirms South Dakota v. Dole (483 U. S. 203)

Court reaffirms Dole's four-part test but says it works alongside, not instead of, a separate consent requirement.

Distinguishes Sabri v. United States (541 U. S. 600)

Court says Sabri's anti-bribery ruling doesn't support suing nonconsenting officials under RLUIPA.

Reaffirms Pennhurst State School and Hospital v. Halderman (451 U. S. 1)

Court relies on Pennhurst's rule that spending conditions bind only through knowing, voluntary consent.

Supreme Court Opinion

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Landor v. Louisiana Dept of Corrections and Public Safety Revisions: 6/24/26 | SCOTUS Reporter