OCTOBER TERM 1962 · DECIDED JANUARY 14, 1963 · 6–3

371 U.S. 415 · No. 5 · Argued November 8, 1961

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National Ass'n for the Advancement of Colored People v. Button

ReversedFinal ruling
civil rightsNAACPFirst Amendmentschool desegregationfree speech and association

Opinion of the Court by Justice Brennan, joined by Justices Warren, Black, Douglas, and Goldberg

The Supreme Court struck down a Virginia law that treated the NAACP's practice of referring people to its staff lawyers for civil-rights lawsuits as illegal solicitation of legal business, ruling that this activity was free speech and association protected by the First and Fourteenth Amendments.

The decision recognized that organizing and financing litigation can itself be a form of political expression, especially for minority groups who turn to the courts when the ballot box offers little help — giving groups like the NAACP durable constitutional protection for their legal-aid programs.

We need not, in order to find constitutional protection for the kind of cooperative, organizational activity disclosed by this record, whereby Negroes seek through lawful means to achieve legitimate political ends, subsume such activity under a narrow, literal conception of freedom of speech, petition or assembly.
Justice Brennan

The majority explains why organized litigation counts as protected political expression.

How it got here: A federal three-judge court sent related state-law questions to Virginia courts; Virginia's Supreme Court of Appeals upheld the law's application to the NAACP, which then sought review directly in the U.S. Supreme Court.

The Case in Depth

What happened

The NAACP and its Virginia branches ran a long-standing program financing school-desegregation lawsuits, in which staff lawyers explained legal rights at community meetings and litigants signed forms authorizing NAACP-affiliated attorneys to represent them. In 1956, Virginia's legislature — as part of "massive resistance" to school desegregation — expanded its anti-solicitation laws to cover organizations that retained lawyers for cases they were not themselves party to.

The question before the Court

Could Virginia use its lawyer-solicitation laws to stop the NAACP from connecting Black families with its own staff lawyers to challenge school segregation?

Why it matters

Civil rights and advocacy organizations gained constitutional protection to organize litigation campaigns, recruit plaintiffs, and connect them with staff or affiliated lawyers without being prosecuted as illegal solicitors. This helped preserve a key tool — coordinated public-interest litigation — that the NAACP and later many other advocacy groups used to challenge discriminatory laws nationwide.

What changes now

The Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals' judgment applying Chapter 33 to the NAACP's activities is reversed, meaning Virginia cannot enforce this solicitation ban against the NAACP's practice of assisting litigants with its staff lawyers. The ruling is a final decision on the merits of this issue; a companion suit by the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund remained separately pending in federal district court on related claims not before the Court here.

What this does not decide

The Court expressly did not decide whether Virginia's law involved unconstitutional racial discrimination under the Equal Protection Clause, resting its decision solely on First Amendment grounds. It also left open how far a State could regulate a lay organization's actual day-to-day control over litigation tactics, a question Justice White's opinion flagged as unresolved.

Concurrences and dissents

Concurrence — Justice Douglas

Justice Douglas agreed fully with the majority but stressed that the Virginia law was not a neutral, generally applicable rule — it was enacted specifically to target the NAACP as part of the state's 'massive resistance' to school desegregation following Brown v. Board of Education. He pointed to the law's history and its distinction between organizations with a financial stake in a case and those without, arguing this discriminatory purpose was evident on the statute's face.

Concurrence in part — Justice White

Justice White agreed that the law as construed was unconstitutional because it went beyond controlling actual litigation and criminalized simply advising people to hire particular attorneys. But he disagreed with any suggestion that a narrower law genuinely limited to a lay organization's day-to-day management and control of litigation would also be unconstitutional, believing such control is not itself constitutionally protected activity and remains within a State's regulatory power.

Dissent — Justice Harlan

In my opinion the litigation program of the NAACP, as shown by this record, falls within an area of activity which a State may constitutionally regulate.Justice Harlan's core disagreement with the majority's First Amendment analysis.

Justice Harlan argued the record showed the NAACP exercised real control over litigation strategy, pleadings, and choice of plaintiffs, going well beyond simple advocacy, and that Virginia had a legitimate, long-recognized interest in regulating such control by lay organizations over the attorney-client relationship. He found the statute, as narrowed by the Virginia court, neither vague nor overbroad, and would have upheld it as a reasonable professional regulation that did not meaningfully burden free expression or association.

How the Court got there

The legal reasoning, step by step

  1. The Court first found that litigation organized for political and social ends is not mere private legal business but a form of political expression protected by the First Amendment, comparable to advocacy, petitioning, or organizing — because for a minority group unable to win at the ballot box, litigation may be the only practical way to press for change.
  2. Because the case touched First Amendment freedoms, the Court applied its rule that vague or overbroad laws in this area are especially dangerous: even if a law's core application seems permissible, courts must consider whether its uncertain edges could chill protected activity, since people will often silence themselves rather than risk possible prosecution.
  3. Reading the Virginia Supreme Court of Appeals' own construction of the law, the Court found it swept broadly enough to criminalize simply recommending a particular lawyer to someone with a legal grievance, not merely controlling litigation after it began — meaning ordinary advocacy and referral activity fell within the ban.
  4. The Court then asked whether Virginia had a compelling interest — of the kind the common-law crimes of barratry, champerty, and maintenance were meant to address — strong enough to justify this restriction, and concluded that the traditional concerns behind those crimes (personal profit-seeking and malicious stirring-up of litigation for private gain) were absent, since NAACP lawyers earned no more than modest fees and had no personal financial stake in the outcomes.
  5. Without a substantial harm to point to, the Court held that Virginia's asserted interest in regulating professional conduct could not outweigh the serious encroachment on protected speech and associational rights, so the law as applied to the NAACP's litigation-assistance program violated the Fourteenth Amendment.

Doctrinal impact

Laws and provisions at issue

First Amendment

Protects speech, association, and petitioning; the Court held it covers organized litigation for political ends.

Fourteenth Amendment

Applies First Amendment protections against state governments like Virginia.

Virginia Code Chapter 33 (solicitation law)

State law expanding the definition of illegal 'runner' or 'capper' solicitation of legal business.

Supreme Court Opinion

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National Ass'n for the Advancement of Colored People v. Button | SCOTUS Reporter